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Wednesday, May 25, 2022

Free Lunch Program

I was kindly asked by a couple of comrades to host this write up, I am not the author.

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FREE LUNCH PROGRAM

May 18, 2022, University of California Davis

 

The usual protocol for entering the dining commons at UC Davis requires students to swipe a card deducting from their meal plan while others pay cash or other method. On May 18, during the midday rush, a banner hung from the outdoor balcony of the Latitude Dining Commons declared a FREE LUNCH PROGRAM. Though the administration often performs concern over the high measure of food insecurity among students, they did not  arrange Wednesday’s free lunch. Rather, a group in solidarity with the police abolition movement gathered in front of the swipe station and invited everyone to eat for free. And eat they did. The action had support from other campus and community activists and groups committed to police abolition, mutual aid, and workers’ rights. A banner dropped from above the hall’s entrance demanded, FEED THE PEOPLE / COPS OFF CAMPUS.

 


What does free food have to do with cops? In the wake of the action, a small group of young republicans pretended to be baffled by this matter. The shortest path to clarity might involve paraphrasing Kwame Ture: If someone wants me to go hungry, that’s his problem. If he’s got the power to make me go hungry, that’s my problem. The police are the power to make people go hungry — when there is enough food to feed the campus, the city, the state, the planet with ease. But this is not what the institution wants. No matter what it says, its actions brook no confusion. And so, fully aware that deploying the pepperspray boys would be a bad look, they sent instead a small platoon of administrators to try to stop things. Everyone knew the police station was two blocks away. The situation was tense. “You can have a protest,” said the most cringing of the well-compensated snitches. “But you can’t say ‘Free Food.’ Can we find some sort of compromise?” 

 

Yes, absolutely. The compromise was: free food but everyone would try not to laugh at the admin. 

 

The students walked in, a few bemused, many relieved, some a combination of the two. As word got around, some non-students came as well. The university likes to call them “non-affiliates” and pretend they are a threat to the university community. We think they are people, as deserving of food as anyone. 

 

As observers, we see in this event a model for transforming the university. It is an act of community care, egalitarian and open-hearted. But it is not an act of philanthropy, requiring the grace and largesse of donors much less of other poor people. Charity shifts the pieces on the board a little in order to keep the game fundamentally the same. Those who own much might be generous though it is those who own little who are asked to donate over and over. A university’s goal must be to own nothing. The abolitionist message of a dining hall takeover is that we want an entirely new and different structure, a making-free of the resources that should be — that are — ours in the first place. Swipe-free, tuition-free, police-free, we are not joking about a free university. Administrator-free too, just as a cherry on top. 

 

But we recognize certain things about actions that take this form, that turn toward liberation rather than donations, free education rather than gofundmes. Acting against the protocols of the university means taking risks. The group inside Latitude comprised undergraduates, graduate students, alumni, faculty, and community members. They represent different levels of vulnerability to aggression and punishment because of status within the university, socioeconomic situation, race, gender, disability, or a combination of these and other factors. The group attended to these differing vulnerabilities by standing side by side around the card swipe counter, confronting the risk together and committed to responding together, just as they will stand in solidarity with anyone who is persecuted for their presence that day. 

 

Previous dining hall actions, especially those at UCSC during the COLA wildcat strike of 2019-20, inspired the Latitude action. At UCSC, the administration unleashed significant punitive force on the activists. UCD COC doesn’t know if this university plans to get carceral on a group that made one free meal possible on a campus with a 44% food insecurity rate and a posse of administrators protecting their own wealth. But we hope you will support us if they do. More importantly, COC hopes you will ask yourselves and others why the basic human need for sustenance is policed here and how together we might make food free every day for everyone.

 

Cops Off Campus Insta

Cops Off Campus Twitter  

 

 


Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Looking for Explanations in a World of Covid-19 and Declining Neoliberal Legitimacy: Conspiratorial thinking vs social scientific thinking

Looking for Explanations in a World of Covid-19 and Declining Neoliberal Legitimacy:

Conspiratorial Thinking vs Social Scientific Thinking


I want to expound a little on the difference between conspiratorial thinking vs social scientific thinking, and how the current political and social climate is driving a mode of thinking - conspiratorial thinking- that is fueling the rise of the far right.


Right now is a confusing time, people are looking for clear explanations communicated to them in a direct and confident manner. The overall ecological structure of knowledge and communication institutions in the United States hasn’t helped. Science has largely insulated itself from the public in its ivory tower, and when science is communicated to the public its usually through the press releases of a university with a corporate structure to a media that is looking for soundbites and clickbait. That media is largely owned by a few corporations funded by advertising revenue from other large corporations isn’t helping either. Narrowcasting and sensationalism has historically been proven to be the best way to adapt to this environment. Smaller media outlets try to fill the holes, but to survive and grow - and growth is the name of the game under capitalism - they must too adopt. None of this means that “the news media is all fake” as Trump would argue, but rather that there are many forces and filters that act upon the discourse twisting it to better fit the needs of capital. It's not that facts aren’t present, but how they are interpreted and their implications are skewed to respond to the positionality of the powerful. This isn’t totalitarian state media which just removes all unacceptable information, but again, it is acted upon by forces and filters which skew it to be presented from and respond to the positionality of the powerful. We can see this in that we got plenty of reports about kids in cages under Trump from the liberal leaning media that conveniently left out the debate about the kids in cages under Obama - both in immigration detention and the youth locked up in prison tried as adults under mass incarceration. We can see this in the debate about the best way to fight Islamic terrorism and should we go to war in Iraq or not but never a debate about whether or not to scrap capitalism. The capitalist class isn’t a unified homogenous force, there are philosophical and political differences between individuals within it, but also different industries have different interests, sometimes conflicting with each other. Just look at the Net Neutrality debate. Different sections of capital have different interests and therefore there was a much broader debate around that than for example the debate about turning the internet into a public utility. Of course the scope of debate isn’t just driven by the interests of sections of capital, but social movements are a major driving force. We have seen how Occupy totally reshaped discussion around income inequality and corporate money in politics for example, how Black Lives Matter changed the discussion around many of the issues around race in the US including policing, mass incarceration, and history (confederate flags and statues for example). All of this makes for a messy chaotic process of a many-sided tug of war between discussing the possible, the permissible, and even the desired directions of social policy and society as a whole.


I think neoliberalism - the employer offensive - and the incapacity for the bureaucratized labor “movement” to not just successfully resist but even to be able to organize anything that really resembled a resistance combined with the legacy of McCarthyism means that we have seen decades of the development of a culture in the US in which there is no large organized force to provide alternative visions or explanations, so instead we have seen the depoliticization of much of the public. With the sudden delegitimization of the neoliberal project and the rebirth of social movements in the US people are hungry for a perspective - an analysis and explanation of what is wrong or what is going on in the world. But the gap between on the one hand the lack of institutional memory and organized radical left mass publications means and on the other hand the millions of people questioning things is still very large. This has allowed for both the rise of opportunists and outlets with a terrible analysis but even more so it has created a huge opportunity for the vultures with an insatiable appetite - the grifters who peddle conspiracy theories, pseudo science, and more. Alex Jones was probably the most successful in taking advantage of this opportunity since its opening after 9/11 - which for many was a really confusing time, Americans are not used to anything that looks like a foreign attack happening within their borders (the 90’s WTC attack being one of the only other examples most people can even think of in recent history), and the sudden drum beat of war and the obvious lies used to sell it, plus the rise of the largest movement since the anti-Vietnam war protests of the 1970’s were very sudden and dramatic changes that people wanted - needed -answers for. The Bush admin was obviously lying and the liberal press like the NYT helped them sell the lies. But the radical left at that time didn’t have a large reach. Socialist newspapers, anarchist zines, and Indymedia, etc. did what they could to both organize people and increase the reach of radical perspectives, but liberal forces were able to easily capture the movement and direct its framing and goals. They drove the movement into the Democratic Party and out of the streets.


The rise of the modern far right, first under the astroturfed turned grassroots Tea Party movement, and now under the “alt-right” and “alt-light” has been symbiotic with the rise of the grifters - Jones of course becoming their most visible talking head. The web of conspiracy sites and accounts have created a fertile recruiting ground for the far right, as their way of thinking is very compatible. The conspiratorial worldview historically *is* the worldview of the far right - the earliest fascists peddled conspiracies about Jews secretly controlling governments and media and trying to create a global government. The underlying themes are the same today, just dressed up differently. For the hard right its about wealthy Jews like Soros funding policies and movements that will lead to “white genocide - this of course is the narrative that is needed to justify their ideological goal of a white ethnostate. Its a cut and paste algorithm, I remember back in the 2000’s coming home from a massive protest in Washington DC that was part of a massive global protest against the Iraq War as the US was trying to sell the public and the globe on its justifications and my father who had been watching Glenn Beck telling me that the whole thing was being funded by George Soros. Soros had been putting money into the ANSWER Coalition (a group I was very aware of and had a lot of disdain for given their connection to the Stalinist Workers World Party at the time, now the org is a front for the PSL), but anyone with any understanding of the movement and movements in general know that movements like that one arise from legitimate grievances and grassroots organizing. Of course, astroturfing exists, and it can be successful in sparking a real grassroots movement, but this story - of the outside agitator causing problems echos back to pro-Segregation whites blaming the Civil Rights Movement on Communists (aka Russia) or the 1920’s Red Scare that blamed Russia sending immigrants here to fuel labor radicalism - despite there already been a long history of American labor radicalism going back to the early days of industrialization. (Stalinists do this by claiming all internal opposition by working class people within a so called “socialist” state is just a CIA front coup.)


Conspiratorial thinking then has two sides to it, the first of which is.blaming bottom-up resistance of oppressed and exploited groups on insidious outside actors. This serves the purpose of denying the oppressive nature of our society and that different groups have different interests. It is dehumanizing of course because it denies agency and consciousness to these groups. It also tells a larger story about society - denying what sociologists would call the conflict model- that it is functional and just, and if left to its own it would be peaceful and productive and everyone would be happy - however there’s this one nefarious group that is trying to gum up the works - they want it all to come crashing down to delegitimize it so that they can take power. This is the second side - that all the world's problems can be traced to the nefarious decisions of a small group plotting to destroy things as they are so they can take power. This is the old Nazi tale of Jewish bankers, of US White Supremacists blaming Communist Jews on Black liberation movements, it is the story of the UN trying to destroy US sovereignty to create a world govenment, it is the story of Jews pushing muliticulturalsim to destory borders and enact white genocide, etc etc.


This is conspiratorial thinking and it is the opposite of social scientific thinking. As someone who teaches introduction to sociology and social problems it is jarringly obvious to me, but since not everyone has to take sociology classes, and not everyone who takes them really comes to understand this mode of thinking, I want to explain what I see the social scientific way of thinking as and how it differs from conspiratorial thinking. The Sociological Imagination, a term coined by C. Wright Mills, is the ability to understand how the things we experience as individuals are the result of the way in which our society is organized - or what we call social structure, and of course how that is impacted by history. When I first took a sociology class with Professor Vincent Serravallo he used a scene from a play version of the Grapes of Wrath. During the Dust Bowl a farmer is about to be evicted from his land, and a man driving a tractor is there to raze the house. The farmer is threatening to shoot the driver, but the driver says he’s just following orders of his boss who got the job from the bank. The farmer then proposes to shoot the bank CEO and Board of Directors. The ever so sociological driver then says that he heard that the bank got orders from “back East”. We are left to interpret if that means Wall Street or Washington, but the conversation doesn’t end there. He then says, maybe it's not really about any one individual’s decision, maybe it's money, maybe property is responsible. The farmer then says that but it was a problem created by humans, it should be solvable by humans. The idea here is that you have this moment between these two people - both just trying to live their lives and get by in a difficult economic time, and that their chance meeting is the result not of some villain’s plot but rather the product of various social structures and social forces. It is the system of property, it should be added white settler colonial property because this is a conversation between two white men on land formerly inhabited by indigenous people who were killed and driven off, that is both how this farmer came to “own” this property and live in this home and also the same system of property - capitalism and market forces that are driving the bankruptcies during the economic downturn for farmers caused by the Dust Bowl. But the conversation first starts between two individuals and traces itself to an organization - a bank- then to something more abstract and symbolic - the East which I already noted could mean Wall Street or Washington which can both be seen as representative of capitalism and settler colonialism, which is what is meant when the conversation ends on the idea that maybe it is money maybe it is property that is responsible. However, the final lines are there to both show that this is about something bigger than individual choices - social structure- but that it is something that can consciously be changed by human choices and action - I would argue collective action and revolution.


Mills tells us to use the sociological imagination we need to ask 3 questions 1. What is the structure of society? 2. What kinds of people are there? 3. Where is this society in human history? Mills is asking us to look at how our society is organized - what kind of economic system do we have, what institutions have we built, how can our government be characterized, etc. what types of difference is silent in our society - in our racialized system due to the history of slavery and the system of whiteness and property and then its trandformation through Segregation and Jim Crow to neoliberal colorblind racism and mass incarceration we have created a category called race that is a social construct and is very salient for how people expereince life (and death) in our society. However even something with a physical biological basis such as whether or not you have an “innie” or “outie” belly button may not be a salient category for our society - so whether or not something is completely socially constructed or has a physical biological basis (or is a mix of the two) isn’t the issue, the issue is what categories of difference and identity have socially/culturally been determined to be important for this society. This helps us understand power and inequality (how society is organized) and how it impacts our daily lives as members of these salient groups. History of course is important because of something called path dependency - the past impacts and shaped the present and our possible future. We are all born into a world we didn’t choose, but then what we do with our life determines what this society turns into (or not) and what world the next generations are born into.


Another example I use to explain this concept of the sociological imagination to my students is looking at Breaking Bad. It's a story that while far fetched (a high school science teacher becomes a drug kingpin) is a story that resonated with many people in this country and “felt” realistic and possible. Yet it's a story that only makes sense to Americans. While not everyone in Walter White’s (the science teacher) position would make that choice, it is the circumstances that felt real and gave the show its realism. The US healthcare system is a for-profit system with some non-profit sections trying to fill in some of the cracks. Treatments that would be totally covered at practically no cost in countries with socialized medicine are exorbitantly expensive here, putting many many Americans into medical debt every year. Walter’s choice to start making crystal meth to pay for his medical treatments isn’t one most people would choose, but the circumstances they knew or had been through or they understood clearly as a common situation. This is what Mills means when we say we need to understand our own personal problems as social issues. Walter isn’t a unique case, he’s part of a pattern or a group of people that are experiencing something as a result of the larger organization of our society. We can go deeper into Breaking Bad and look at how gender norms shaped Walt’s decision to be a provider for his family after his death and how he responds through violence and competition, but I think I’ve made my point here. A story of a woman science teacher in Sweden who gets cancer and becomes a drug lord to pay her medical bills and provide for her family would not be a story that would even be thought up let alone one that would make sense or feel realistic to its audience - and that’s because of the factors stated .


So sociology and social science teach us that we need to understand how society is organized and how that produces social forces - profit motives, colonial competition, gendered dominance, drives for legitimacy, etc. - that act upon us as individuals and organizations. So to use the examples from earlier - a sociological understanding of the Civil Rights Movement wouldn’t explain it as the product of foreign interference but would instead look to how the racialized nature of the South (and the North which got its challenge the next decade by the Black Power Movement) led to less rights and more suffering for the Black community and that lacking institutional power the only way for them to express their grievances and to try to change their situation was through protest action. Similarly labor radicalism in the early industrial period stemmed from worker exploitation and unsafe working conditions and even from abuse by bosses, and this lack of rights and a “fair share” of what workers produced led to an expression of grievances through strikes, slowdowns, and more. In these examples we look to the organization of society and how it impacted certain groups to understand this as a relational problem - a problem of group relations. This explanation doesn’t rely on convenient outside actors who are ill defined and caricatured as ever present and all powerful yet also unable to succeed as the myths and conspiracy theories also portray their evil group behind everything whether its Jews or Communists (usually both combined).


Climate Change deniers think a more apt explanation of our situation is that all of science and the government is in on a plot -which is totally absurd is you realize how diffuse “science” is - from the R1 researchers to their graduate student and undergrad lab assistants to the publishers etc. the idea that these thousands and thousands of people are all “in on it” is absurd. It's not an analysis of the pressure of publishing or getting grants or the normative worldview of scientists and how those impact science. It's literally just a plot for world domination which will somehow magically come about by getting solar panels, or something. The denier's worldview isn’t necessarily coherent and logical, but it boldly and clearly proclaims the enemy and their agenda. This of course has to resonate on some level with the audience, and with small business owners in the shadow of large corporations and the power of the state they see their future as tied to their property (their small capital) and they just want to be left alone to be successful - which means no more government regulations around labor and the environment - and this narrative about elite academics and governments collude to interfere with the market speaks to their already existing struggles and interests. This is not to say all deniers are small capitalists, but rather I think the far right conspiracy narratives echo fascist projects so much because they tend to articulate the contradictory position of being squeezed by the system while being fanatically tied to it, its system of property, whiteness, masculinity, etc. Big capital often unleashes and fans the flames of these currents, as the Fossil Fuel industry hides behind them, even if they can’t control it and it takes a life of its own. The cry of the privileged but not on the top, in fear of being lowered to the position of those below them. The decoupling of cultural and economic capital (stemming from the successes of the 1970s to make education more accessible) seems to also play a part in this, as science and educational institutions are seen as part of the problem in collusion with a government out to get the market.


We can also find this narrative theme unlying the anti-vaxx movement. Distrust of scientific and education institutions, Big Pharma and the government, are all thrown together to argue that we are all being lied to about vaccines and depending on the strain (pun intended) of the anti vaxxer it could be just about their ableist Eugenic outlook and Autism, or it could be about fears of vaccines being used to something something control the world... I don’t know it never makes sense. I’ve read stuff about being implanted with tracking chips (because we don’t already carry phones and are constantly being spied on already by the NSA…) or that vaccines are actually being used to “depopulate” the global South. In practice the antivax crowd is pushing a Eugenic project that puts the dehumanization of Autistic people and/or their desire to deny needed healthcare to the global South under the white savior guise of saving them. This is still true even when they prop up token POC to peddle their trash.


Sites like naturalnews may not functionally play the same role as the Proud Boys, and they may have a different spin than Alex Jones, but they are grifters whose role in the far right ecosystem is to peddle the softer conspiracy stuff that appeals to even some who identify as progressive or leftist, by emphasizing their anti-corporate and anti-statist positions - of course as said already this is because fascism is the reactionary expression of the small capitalist who is in the shadow of the large corporations and the state. Their anti-corporate stance isn’t principled and itsn’t anti-capitalist or anti-white supremacy. Their role is ultimately to sell you on an epistemological position - that the world is so unknowable and power is so omnipresent and consolidated that some group of nefarious actors are against “us” and that this site is the only site with the truth (good thing you found them!) so you have to come to them for the truth. It isn’t teaching you to think on your own, it isn’t giving you tools for analyzing the problem, they aren’t tools involved that’s why. All they have is a narrative that has to keep twisting around to explain changing world events. But now you're locked into the epistemological authority, you only listen to them, you can’t figure it out yourself because there’s no forces to study to structure to analyze, just bad actors with certain goals which they define from episode to episode. How are you supposed to know what Bill Gates or George Soros is thinking? You can’t on your own, it's impossible, but you keep coming back to the site because they will tell you, they have insider knowledge. It's a model of information producer and consumer that is totalitarian and breeds 100% dependency. Just look at Alex Jones. He has such a rabid fan base not in spite of the fact that he's had to change stories and contradict himself over the years, but precisely *because* of that. Only Alex knows. He is the prophet.


This is of course the opposite of the social scientific worldview which not only teaches you how to analyze things for yourself but encourages data collection and debate. It is more diffuse epistemologically and if an idea is proven wrong it will be corrected, as opposed to long forgotten and no longer talked about because that was from a podcast he did 12 years ago and no one is listening to that. What the conspiracists sell isn’t entertainment - as infotainment is the term many use to describe some modern media practices- what they are developing is more like a cult - centralized authoritative knowledge that despite going against all the actual experts has to be true. The earth is flat, climate change is fake, vaccines are bad, etc. You of course don’t have to, and shouldn’t believe all of these, because that’s the nature of the ecosystem, each peddler has their own fiefdom of influence on their topic, and some may connect some topics like vaccines and climate change while others may laugh at climate deniers while pushing antivaxx. Each niche is an opportunity for a grifter to sell their unique brand to their audience and in each case they are the lone expert.


Are all the grifters fascists? Of course not. But that doesn’t mean that they aren't part of the fascist ecosystem helping bring people into the fascist worldview. But some are openly anti-fascist, so that proves that this one is ok, and that this one has actually discovered the truth and isn’t a nazi and wants to warn us all about the globalist agenda.. Blah blah blah. Lets not forget that the literal fascists at these rallies like Unite the Right and the Reopen America protests also call their targets fascists and nazis. For the self identified right it's because they say that nazism is the same as communism and is a left wing ideology. But for others its because they are peddling a different enough flavor that they can call the more obvious elements of the fascist movement fascism -remember the name of the game for these grifters is to build up their own empire where they are the sole arbiters of truth - so calling others nazis is ok, even if they are peddling some of the same shit.


Let’s finally, sorry this took so long, get to the pandemic. When it first hit there wasn’t clear warning and communication from Trump or others in power. If anything he denied it and called it a hoax for weeks. This left it up to governors to decide to act, which some did. Around this time scientists were already giving long term projections - that this could last 18 months without pharmacological interventions. However, the governors, already acting on their own, chose not to be seen as taking a huge step and communicated this to them clearly, instead they chose the strategy of a couple weeks at a time. This may also be because of pressures on them from capital to remain open. Again, the contradictory position of capitalism to be dependent upon labor and circulation for the system to operate healthily meant that the system was facing either a crisi of social reproduction or a crisis of profit (accumulation). Trump stepped in to give a massive handout to capital to assure them it wouldn’t be a crisis of profit, while giving a crumb to the rest of us to keep social reproduction going for a little bit. But the needs of accumulation began to overweigh the social reproduction needs and once it was realized that the effects of the pandemic were also racialized with Balck and Brown working class people facing the brunt of it, there became a quick backpedaling and a plan to reopen. Money was thrown to astroturf support - like the Tea Party- and the Reopen America protests popped up. However the obviously genocidal nature of this social policy and the political forces funding it led to the local rallies becoming populated and ran by local fascist groups like the Proud Boys and American Identity Movement and other alt-right orgs. Meanwhile people at home are still relatively in the dark about the expectations and they can see money running out (especially if things reopen and they are kicked off unemployment) and so they too are looking for an explanation. And this crisis runs deeper than anything else in recent history. Scientists are insulated from the public, and state officials aren’t communicating it all clearly, probably for the reasons I stated earlier, and despite the growth of the DSA, the left is still extremely small and so its power to step up and explain the crisis is limited. So of course it was inevitable for the conspiracists to try to take hold of the narrative.


If this pandemic was planned then why was no one in power able to step in and take advantage right away? This is the opposite of the Shock Doctrine. The Shock Doctrine says Disaster Capital will use a crisis to push through its agenda. But we saw a stumbling, we saw for a moment when Trump did acknowledge it finally a move that many on the left thought was meant to be a populist capture to pivot to the left of Biden (this was after Bernie dropped out) of the issue of the welfare state and UBI. But then shortly after Trump pivoted completely away from all that and toward open negligent mass murder. The neoConservatives who wanted to remake the Gulf didn’t hesitate to immediately make moves on Afghanistan and Iraq after 9/11, they didn’t hesitate to crush public schools and pushthrough charters in New Orleans, etc. But we saw no such coordinated response from any sector of Capital. But that won’t stop the grifters from arguing this was all a ploy by Gates or whoever for whatever reason. Again, it's not about providing a testable theory for how things function, it's about capturing an audience who will come to you for explanations during what feels like an unprecedented global event to those of us not around 100 years ago for the “Spanish flu”.

Wednesday, December 11, 2019

Thoughts on labor revitalization and UCSC


I've had to PELP and move to the East Coast to crash on my mom's couch, I only recently found a job which I start tomorrow, so dissertating is far from my mind these days

But after a comradely exchange with a friend about the relationship of members and formal organizations I have decided to write down some of what I've been thinking about in regards to my dissertation's theoretical perspective (minus all the citations and such) and how it relates to my orientation toward the recent events at UCSC.

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Sociologically speaking a social movement is "a specific form of collective social action in which excluded or marginalized groups with a shared sense of purpose and solidarity mobilize themselves to affect social change and achieve specific goals through extra-institutional channels.”

So before the New Deal structured the legal relationship of labor and the next couple of decades saw the emergence of business unionism as the dominant model through the development of organizational bureaucracy, workers took direct action - strikes, work stoppages, slow downs, etc. because there were no institutional channels set up to displace or mediate this conflict.

However, the web of relationships workers find themselves in today can only be described as institutionalized - labor law structures the relationship between workers and bosses, which unions get recognized and which don't, which employers have to negotiate and which don't, how those negotiations take place and who is involved. It tells workers when and how they can strike or picket, and gives workers less 1st amendment rights than any other group (formally, obviously some groups have less in practice).

Then on top of that structured relationship we get the contract to further structure the relationship between workers and bosses. The contract spells out workers pay and benefits and working conditions. Nearly all union contracts have "No Strikes" clauses - this emerges around WWII. Nearly all have "management's rights" clauses which waive the rights of workers to negotiate over nearly all decisions made by management that don't violate the contract.

And then there is the grievance procedure. The grievance procedure usually entails filling out a form and dropping it off at HR, then there is usually a meeting involved or multiple steps of meetings, and a ruling by HR about whether or not the boss violated the contract. Of course HR works *for* the boss, so their only motivation to rule against the boss is the risk of pissing workers off and escalating the conflict or the liability of losing arbitration - as arbitration is the final step in the grievance process if the union and the boss don't agree then they either go to an agreed upon third party who will rule on the grievance or a state labor board. This whole process can take weeks, months, even years if it goes to arbitration. Meanwhile the problem continues. And this is what the grievance process has done, it has also institutionalized conflict. It has disciplined the workers, making them patiently wait for the matter to be discussed and settled by experts at another time and place. Whereas before the conflict happened on the "shop floor" - the problem arose there and the action was taken there. Workers own agency was the key to solving the problem, now a union rep, and HR consultant, and a retired judge acting as arbitrator decide in an office far away on a much later date.

If your union leadership is selling you out in negotiations, not taking grievances seriously, or even taking kickbacks from the employer your only recourse is through the channels formally laid out in your union constitution/bylaws. If that means members don't get a vote on a contract - as we saw with professors in NYC who only could vote by electing delegates to vote on the contract then that is your only channel. If you haven't gotten to vote for your union president for over 10 years because the constitution says your local doesn't hold an election if more units are brought in to the local and your leadership pursues a strategy of gobbling up smaller locals into its local than you have no recourse but to wait until the next election to fix that, whenever that may be, in the case of a certain UFCW local.

Tilly et al distinguish between two types of collective action, contained contention and transgressive contention. Contained contention is when two parties have essentially ritualized their conflict, as it is so structured the behavior is patterned and predictable, whereas transgressive contention is conflict that brings in new actors, new tactics, and doesn't fall into a pattern or habit.

Contained contention I would argue is the product of institutionalization - when the relationship of conflict has become buffered through structures and organizations have developed a symbiotic (if not contradictory) relationship through organizational changes - like theemergence of union bureaucracy whose financial and professional existence relies more on the continued perpetuation of capitalism and its growth than the destruction of capitalism, as we saw with win-win negotiations in the auto industry where the UAW saw its future tied to the success of the Big 5.

Transgressive contention on the other hand is when collective action turns away from institutionalization and back to social movement activity - engaging in new tactics, drawing in new parties, and centering the power and agency of the rank-and-file. We see this with Red for Ed, where the fight against neoliberal school reforms and austerity has spilled outside of the structures of the Democratic Party and the union leadership which supported No Child Left Behind and into the streets where teachers, students, and communities see themsleves as the change makers, where their actions not the actions of others acting in a bureaucratic space through formal channels were what was going to change our education system.

What does this all mean for union activists? Firstly that "organized labor" and the "labor movement" aren't necessarily the same. Labor has become more of a 501c3, it resembles the nonprofit industrial complex more than the Haymarket martyrs. That this change has been contradictory, that while working people have benefited from the institutionalization of labor as they could depend on these structures to provide some check to employer power, that it has been a dual-edged sword, that it has also led to the stagnation and decline of the actual movement aspect of the labor movement, and probably also to the actual decline of union membership and power. Secondly this implies that the revitalization of the labor movement requires a shift from contained contention to transgressive contention that can likely only come about through struggle against existing union structures and leadership, as current organizational forms and relationships developed as part of the containing/disciplining of rank-and-file militancy and democracy.

Lastly, that the wildcat strike, an act against labor law and against union leadership is the ultimate act of anti-discipline, anti-institutionalization, and it is an expression of the purest form of social movement activity that labor can engage in.

Sunday, February 17, 2019

Second Round of Appeal of UAW 2865 Contract Ratification

This is a document sent out tonight that I am copying here for the sake of transparency and historical record. It was sent to the Statewide Recording Secretary, the President, and the E-board googlegroup.

If you want to see the original appeal click here. The e-board denied that appeal - notably with two e-board members who were either bargaining team members or alternates voting on the legitimacy of the claim - and therefore their own actions - despite the Davis unit sending a request to the e-board not to let people with these direct conflicts of interest participate in this appeal process.

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TITLE: Appeal Against the Executive Board’s Determination on the Mussman Appeal

We the undersigned lodge an appeal against the UAW 2865 (hereafter “Local”) Executive Board’s decision on the Appeal relating to the contract ratification process in August 2018, filed by Lead Appellant Mary Mussman (Comparative Literature, Berkeley) and 48 other Appellants, on September 16, 2018 (hereafter “the Mussman Appeal”). The document titled “Final Appeal Findings”, communicating the Executive Board’s determination on the Mussman Appeal, was sent to the Appellants by Local President Kavitha Iyengar on January 18, 2019. We appeal the Board’s decision to a higher decision-making body in the Local, on the basis of Local Bylaws Article 19, Section 5, which states that “[w]ithin thirty (30) days of receiving notice of such decision, the grievant may appeal further by submitting her/his appeal to the Recording Secretary in writing for consideration by the membership at the next statewide membership meeting or Joint Council meeting, whichever is sooner.”

We appeal the Executive Board’s determination on multiple grounds, including but not limited to the following;

1. The Executive Board makes false and/or misleading claims on the following points regarding actions by Kit Pribble and the Elections Committee.

a) Kit Pribble, the Local Elections Committee Chair until 5:32pm, August 20th, did not approve "the body of the email itself", which was written by Garrett Shishido Strain and Alli Carlisle. While Pribble did approve the "text of the ratification ballot", that only concerned the ballot itself and did not include the ballot email, contrary to the Board's claim. The ballot email with the extremely biased content was sent to members in the morning of August 20 without approval by Pribble, let alone by the Elections Committee, in violation of the Article 13, Section 1 of the Local Bylaws. It is the ballot email, not the ballot itself, which the Mussman Appeal contends as particularly egregious and pernicious.

b) While Pribble did "sen[d] out the ratification vote ballots to members of the Elections Committee on each campus" and "distributed the official in-person ballots" at Berkeley until her resignation, she conducted these actions under duress, due to the false claims regarding the Elections Committee's legal authority, made by Mike Miller (UAW International Representative) and Jonathan Koch (then UCLA Unit Chair). Miller and Koch claimed that the Elections Committee did not have the power to interfere in the Bargaining Team's decision about when and how to hold the vote, which is false in light of Article 13, Section 1, prompting her to take actions which she would otherwise have not taken.

c) Pribble's approval of certain actions regarding the ratification vote does not, on its own, constitute "the supervision of a democratically elected elections committee". The Chair's approval, without a proper majority vote by all committee members, does not equate to the Committee's approval. Pribble objects to her actions being construed as supervision or granting of approval by the Elections Committee, in the absence of a Committee vote.

The above facts regarding Pribble’s actions and those of the Elections Committee, misrepresented in the Board’s “findings”, invalidate its claim that “Neither the Executive Board nor the Bargaining Team violated Article 13, Section 1 of the Local Bylaws, nor did either body violate the spirit thereof.” The ratification vote in August 2018 occurred in clear and explicit violation of Article 13, Section 1 of the Local Bylaws, which explicitly states that “all Local Union elections, strike votes, and contract ratification votes shall be held under the supervision of a democratically elected election committee” (emphasis ours). Therefore, the contract ratification vote, and hence the contract itself, is null and void.

2. The Executive Board makes an unjustified claim regarding distribution of power and democracy in the union. The Board claims that the Bargaining Team members are “invested with the strength and the will of the union’s membership” and therefore “the Bargaining Team’s position to ratify constituted the union’s official position to recommend a ‘yes’ vote.” This claim has no basis in the Local Bylaws. While the Bylaws generally do not make explicit reference to what constitutes the union’s “official position”, it is explicit that the Bargaining Team must present “the final contract to the membership for ratification”. (Local Bylaws Article 9, Section 2) Furthermore, the Local Bylaws affirms that “the membership is the highest authority of this Local Union” (Article 5, Section 1). We reject the claim that, on an issue for which a membership vote is explicitly mandated in the Bylaws, any position taken before that vote constitutes the “official position” of the union.

3. The Executive Board claims that the use of paid staff time to campaign for a YES vote in a contract ratification vote is “consistent with the union’s democratic principles”. This claim has no basis in the Local Bylaws; we strongly reject the claim to justify use of staff resources to promote a particular position in a contentious membership vote, which drastically and systematically biases its outcome, in the name of the Local’s “democratic principles.”

4. The Executive Board’s “Findings” fail to address the substantive point that it is fundamentally anti-democratic to hold a ratification vote during the summer; as the original Mussman Appeal stated, “for all but two UC campuses, both August votes took place a full month prior to school being back in session. The timing of the vote particularly infringed upon members on campuses on the quarter system, whose fall quarter begins in late September. Nevertheless, even for the two UC campuses that begin the fall semester in August, the initial straw poll and the ratification vote took place only as graduate student workers were returning to campus, and over the course of the hectic lead-up to the coming semester.” The comparatively high turnout in the ratification vote reflects the extremely contentious character of the issue, and does not prove the absence of significant obstacles against participation.

Furthermore, our claim concerns the possibility of a substantive deliberation regarding contract ratification, not simply that of voting; as the Mussman Appeal stated; “during this time, an extensive portion of the broader union membership was not available to deliberate with peers over the details of the contract. Further, there was no official union meeting to discuss ratification on any of the nine campuses.” The Board fails to address this point. Voting does not equal participation.

Finally, in light of the Board’s claim to have considered “the processes used by our sibling unions”, we note that many other graduate workers’ unions guarantee the members’ right to substantively take part in a democratic process on ratification. The Teaching Assistant Association (TAA) at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and the Graduate Teaching Fellows’ Federation (GTFF) at the University of Oregon both stipulate explicitly that a membership meeting must be held to discuss the contract offer (and in the case of TAA, approval at the membership meeting must be obtained), in addition to a membership vote to ratify the contract. (TAA Bylaws D. 3, TAA Constitution Article VI. Section B, D, GTFF Bylaws Article 12)

The above reasons for appeal do not preclude any other applicable grounds for appeal.

The erroneously ratified contract hardly meets the needs of our members. Offering pay remaining below the living wage and barely at pace with inflation, without any measures to address the ever-worsening housing crisis or to secure protection from the militarized police on campus, this contract has undermined confidence in this union by many members across the state, who have rightly expected more. This crisis of confidence has been exacerbated by the Executive Board’s failure to engage in sincere dialogue with the members who have profound concerns with the process in which this contract was proclaimed ratified, as well as its content. Therefore, we reject the Executive Board’s decision and call for a truly democratic and legally sound ratification vote. We appeal because we, as workers and members of this union, deserve better.

Signed,
Mary Mussman, Lead Appellant
Marcelo Mendez, Contact Liaison*
Kevan Aguilar
Kyle Galindez
Connor Gorman
Veronica Hamilton
Shannon Ikebe
Sarah Mason
Ana McTaggart
Tara Phillips
Kit Pribble
Michael Rawls
Mick Song
Duane Wright
Blu Buchanan

*Please direct all relevant correspondence to Marcelo Mendez



Friday, October 19, 2018

former OSWP officer Avi (UCSB) endorses their opponents and talks about OSWP toxicity

This was shared on facebook, and reshared by my friend and comrade Hannah Kagan-Moore:


From Avi, a communications expert and an ex-OSWP slate member: a compelling statement regarding the upcoming UAW 2865 statewide union elections. She and I both strongly recommend that you vote for Veronica Hamilton, Marcelo Mendez, and Cory Mengual.


"I ran in the last vacancy election on the OSWP slate. I believed that caucuses would facilitate contentious debate and dialogue, which I think is much needed in our union space, and I trusted and was friends with several of the OSWP leaders.

I was wrong—I misplaced my trust, and OSWP has done serious damage.

I'm not interested in dragging individuals, so I'll focus on the party overall. These observations combine first-hand experience on an OSWP-controlled EBoard with a perspective developed through five years of graduate work in organizational communication focusing on the contradictory practices of leftist organizers.

From what I've seen up close, OSWP is a case study in groupthink dynamics, has a strong tendency to demonize the opposition, expresses little to no interest in facilitating dialogue with dissenters, and is primarily focused on card campaigns at the expense of just about everything else. The OSWP election campaign is disingenuous and factually inaccurate, and clearly designed to gloss over OSWP’s own contravention of the basic practices of democratic participation.

These are systemic dynamics, not the fault of any one individual, although systems are reproduced by the individuals who exist within them. Despite still being friends with some of the OSWP candidates (again, this isn't personal!), I feel strongly enough about the party-level toxicity that I must openly campaign in support of the opposition caucus, including Marcelo Mendez, Veronica Hamilton, and Cory Mengual. I encourage you to do the same. Preventing an OSWP super-majority is the last, best chance our union has to survive as an organization we can be proud of."

Sunday, September 30, 2018

pro CLEW email from April 2018

I wanted to post this campaigning email I sent a bunch of colleagues and friends back in April of 2018, because I think my words have rung true - and if anything things got ever worse than I was imagining.

I didn't run on this slate, I remained a rank-and-file member, but I did publically support them. Also, I'm still not sure who exactly wrote up the ebaord.fun website, but I generally think its a good idea to not do thinks anonymously - unless there is an issue of safety, like whisteblowing or antifa etc.

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As you probably have heard our union is holding vacancy elections Tuesday and Wednesday this week, for positions on the statewide executive board. Voting will be taking place on the Davis campus from 10-6 on Tuesday by the MU and 10-6 Wednesday by the SIlo.

I hope you will consider voting for the CLEW (collective liberation for education workers) slate of candidates. https://www.clew-uc.org

You may know that back in 2011 a reform slate took power in our union after many rank-and-file members were upset by a union that: 1. Was not involved in the fight for public education when the UC student movement erupted in 2009-2010. 2. Negotiated a contract in just 2 months over the summer that only secured a 2% pay raise each year for 3 years (effectively a pay cut if you count inflation) and argued that members didn’t want a raise because they thought that would be selfish given the state’s budget cuts to the UC. Furthermore, these particular grievances  were exacerbated by the bureaucratic and top-down nature of our local, where the executive board and particularly the president had all the say. Campuses didn’t have autonomy or their own budget to pursue organizing in conditions that they best understood. The President and the financial Secretary held year-round 100% appointments, meaning these “leaders” made more than double what the average UC TA made. After AWDU came to power they enacted many reforms to decentralize/democratize power. Campuses have final say as to how they organize on the local conditions that they know best, and they are supported so by control over a campus budget. The Joint Council - the largest representative body in our union - was given priority in decision making over the executive board. The e-board simply saw itself as doing the necessary day-to-day support work that the larger democratic bodies - the Joint Council, the vote by rank-and-file members in referendums like our BDS vote, and the local campus units - decided on.

When I got here right after AWDU took power in 2011 I saw that the “union” before AWDU was basically only a union on paper- a skeleton crew of people ran things and there was a total lack of participation. AWDU majorly increased participation/involvement. I have seen the core number of organizers just at Davis grow from about 5-6 to about 15-20 with an ever increasing periphery of people involved from a a diversity of departments. We have built a union from the ground up - because a union is just a network of people, it is a collective project. The first AWDU bargaining team held open bargaining for the first time in our local’s history - previously you and I as a rank-and-file members   had no right to observe or participate in these negotiations. We even went on strike twice, for the first time in about 10 years. We have been involved in grassroots campaigns fighting for social justice, and we made history as the first major union in the US to officially join the BDS movement, and to call for the AFL-CIO to kick police unions out of its ranks.

However, the impending Supreme Court decision (Janus v. AFSCME) which has the potential to make the entire US public sector a union busting “right-to-work” sector, is now being used by many unions to push what is basically neoliberal austerity measures. Power is being reconsolidated in top-down fashion, money is being shifted from fighting various forms of oppression to just signing up members in order to maintain financial health, and metrics like union membership are driving all decision-making much like how standardized test scores drive neoliberal education decisions.

This election is only for a small number of positions in our local, however I think it is a temperature check to see what direction our union will lean. Will we adopt the business union practices that pragmatic neoliberal union leaders have been pushing or will we stand firm against adopting this logic and these practices? Some members (not me) wrote up a post about some concerns along these lines about some of the other candidates in the other slate (OSWP). https://e-bored.fun

Apologies for the long email, but I wanted to give enough background info that I felt was necessary for this election. Whoever you vote for I hope you vote this Tuesday or Wednesday.

Solidarity,

Duane

Formal Complaint at Davis and email responses

Here is the text of the full language of a formal complaint to the UAW 2865 executive board in regards to the unilateral starting of a new Davis list-serve for officers and activists and the purposeful exclusion of anyone critical of the OSWP clique from that list-serve:

Edit: I have added Tom Hintze's respoonse (he is an OSWP member who is on the executive board and is a Davis grad student) and my response to Tom below the text of the complaint.

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Hello E-Board,

I would like to file a formal complaint with you regarding the actions of both a paid organizer and an E-Board member. I’m requesting that the E-Board look into and address the fact that a number of people (e.g. myself, Ellie White, Connor Gorman, Amara Miller, Duane Wright, Nathen Menard) were intentionally excluded from our new Davis activist listserv (and thus an organizing committee meeting which happened Wed. 9/26) by Gerard Ramm and Thomas Hintze. This removal was without notification or consent by the people excluded and indicates an effort to silence dissent in the union. 

This complaint falls under two main areas. Concerning Gerard's conduct, this falls under Article 11 ("Meeting Standards and Progressive Discipline") of their CBA.  In regards to Thomas Hintze, this falls under Article 19 of our bylaws.

In addition to these, this kind of behavior violates a number of other bylaws. 

  • Article 5, Section 1 states, "The membership is the highest authority of this Local Union and shall be empowered to take or direct any action not inconsistent with the Constitution of the International Union, UAW or Local Union Bylaws." This action explicitly acts against the interest of members who have dissented and excludes them from the decision-making processes of the union.
  • Article 8, Section 13 states, "Campus Units shall have the right to communicate directly with unit members, without going either through the Executive Board or the President. Each campus unit shall decide at a monthly membership meeting their process for sending out emails. All communication must clearly state that it originates from the Campus Unit, and not the Local as a whole. This means that Campus Unit elected leadership shall have direct access to email lists and phone lists for their campus membership." This article, in conjunction with Article 5, Section 1 suggests that emails concerning things like organizing committee meetings and other key union gatherings should be available to all members, to ensure that membership remains the highest authority within the union.
  • Article 11, Section 3 states, "Committee meeting times and locations will be posted at least seven (7) days prior to the meeting time on the Local Union website. Except for the Bylaws Committee whose members are elected, the Joint Council shall appoint members to other committees. All Committee members are expected to attend meetings." Since OC meetings are often subsets of, and related to, larger statewide OC structures, it would seem that excluding people from these key organizing meetings is a violation of this bylaw as well.
The union frames itself as a democratic, member-driven organization, but this is directly contradicted by the actions of these individuals. They have made unilateral decisions to exclude certain members for political reasons. This is unacceptable, unconscionable and must be addressed. I would suggest the removal or replacement of these people in order to ensure these blatantly undemocratic actions don't happen again.

I'd like to also request that this complaint is met with a more substantive response than the last time someone was intentionally excluded from union organizing spaces - as Amara Miller's complaint has been met with startlingly little action.


Blu Buchanan
(they/them/theirs)
Rank-And-File
Davis Unit

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On Mon, Oct 1, 2018 at 9:33 PM Thomas Hintze <thintze1@gmail.com> wrote:
Dear all,

First, I want to start by giving folks on the activist list who may not have been involved in organizing since the ratification vote an update about our organizing successes these past few weeks. During the first orientation session, we signed up 230 new union members, or about 10% of the incoming graduate students at Davis, in one day. This is the best single day of organizing across the state this year, and we followed it up by signing up another 160 members over two days during TA orientations last week. This work is a vital part of our statewide membership organizing plan, which we approved at our Joint Council meeting in July.

In the absence of organizing committee meetings before orientations, a number of people who were interested in organizing, including Ashlyn, Savannah, and I, began meeting student-workers who checked the box on our membership cards indicating that they were interested in getting involved with our union. We set up a couple of ad hoc meetings to talk about our strategy for orientations, and then we went out and talked with workers. No new OC listserv was created, and the last time that I checked, it should be our goal as organizers to reach out to workers who want to organize and get them involved in working with our union.

Now, to address the alarming accusation of "crushing dissent." BB and Ellie, I believe that we have different philosophies of organizing, and I think that's ok. I believe that workers in our union have a right to organize themselves within different organizing structures, and that this in no way is "crushing dissent." In fact, I believe that in order for us to succeed in our mission of organizing every student-worker on our campus, we are going to need many different organizing strategies and many different organizing committees, all operating at once.

Some might say that different organizing committees would result in the consolidation of power. But what is the real outcome of workers organizing themselves in different committees across campus? I think this would bring about a decentralization of power, the likes of which we have not been able to achieve under our current organizing structure or with our current organizing strategies.

Imagine how power would be dispersed across our unit if instead of a handful of organizers we had a network of stewards, one in each department, who met in organizing committees that were anchored in different sectors of campus. Those workers would have the best idea of the real existing conditions that workers in their departments were experiencing. Then we would truly be able to diagnose the problems in our workplace, and to effectively have each other’s backs. Such a system would also allow a plurality of perspectives on organizing to exist simultaneously, and I believe it would resolve the problem that has been at the heart of our disagreements about organizing since at least winter of last year: whether to spend our energy organizing around campaigns or to focus on organizing workers. The answer is, undoubtedly, both.

And this is already happening. Since the beginning of this year, there have been multiple ad hoc committees meeting on campus, each with different people on their email lists. The meetings I have been attending are filled with new leaders, mostly from the STEM fields on our campus. These leaders are excited about the contract, and they want to organize their coworkers to enforce the contract and to fight for their dignity and better working conditions.

There is another organizing committee whose meetings I have not been invited to attend, and from what I have heard, the topics of conversation have largely been about whether or not to pursue decertification of our union as a response to disagreements about the contract ratification vote.

Now, what would it mean to decertify our union? According to the Labor Relations Institute, an ultra-conservative union-busting organization, decertification

"refers to the process where the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) allows employees to call for a special election to get rid of the union as their 'exclusive representative.'"

The article goes on to describe the consequences of decertification campaigns.

“The objective of a decertification election is to terminate the union’s right to represent you and your fellow employees. This procedure provides you with full relief by taking away the union’s authority to act as your bargaining representative.  If you are a part of the employee union that is covered under a collective bargaining agreement (whether you are a union member or not) you can still sign a petition and participate in the vote for decertification.  Once the union is removed as your legal bargaining representative you no longer have to join the union or pay dues or fees to it.”

Now, it's true, I'm now sure of what the motive could possibly be for wanting to decertify our union. There might be some benevolent intent lurking behind the desire to destroy an organization that has taken the blood, sweat, and tears of hundreds of thousands of workers to build over the past twenty years. But as we know, it's not the intent that matters, it is the effect of such an action, and of even having such conversations in the first place.

Within the labor movement, there is the possibility for manifold kinds of redress, many of which we have seen attempted or enacted over the course of the past year. Currently, there is an appeal of the ratification vote that has been sent to the Eboard. As I have said elsewhere, the Eboard is considering the claims that the appellants have made, and our Bylaws outline a robust appeals process that is internal to our union, and through the UAW constitution,can later can go to PERB and beyond. However, there is a bright line that marks off what is and is not acceptable behavior for a unionist. Publicly calling for the decertification of our union and for the destruction of our power as workers, as some members of our unit are currently doing, is partaking in management's dream of crushing our union, and the right's dream of crushing all unions. And at least one of the people who has called for decertification (Ellie) is the signatory on this email about "crushing dissent," and the another (Connor) the last respondent.

Certainly, there are models for people who disagree about the outcome of the ratification vote to continue working together to build our union. There are, no doubt, real grievances that people have with the process, and there are channels to resolve those disagreements. As I have said before, I am happy to meet with anyone at any time to share my perspective on the ratification vote and to hear yours. What I am not interested in doing is participating in any restorative justice project around this decision. The workers at our unit and across the state have voted, and their vote was decisive. I also want to make it clear that in my role as an Eboard member, I reached out to Amara personally on August 29 offering to continue discussing her formal complaint. She never took me up on my offer.

Another way for us to work together is around addressing workers’ grievances in the workplace. I am thrilled to be meeting with Emily F and Ashlyn this week with a host of student-workers to discuss the problems facing international students because of Trump's new immigration enforcement policies. We urgently need to find ways to come together for the best of our unit, and I am interested in discussing this with whomever I can.

But let me be clear: there are currently at least two committees on our campus. One group is building worker power by organizing hundreds of workers every week. I am not certain how many workers the other committee has brought into our union, but by my calculations, it would be antithetical for them to bring any new worker into a union that they are actively organizing to decertify. Right now is not the time to worry about crushing dissent. We should worry about those who would have the workers crushed instead.

In Solidarity,
Tom


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Duane Wright

10:28 PM (11 minutes ago)
to ThomasConnorAmaragerardramm90BluDavisuaw-2865-davis-officers
Tom,

At the MMM we were told by Savannah, Ashlyn, and Michael, that there was AN organizing committee meeting. OCs used to meet weekly. We were forwarded an email for a meeting of THE organizing committee. Here is a copy and paste of that: (more written after the copy and paste)

---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Gerard Ramm <gerardramm90@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, Sep 26, 2018 at 12:33 PM
Subject: Re: Union Organizing Committee Meeting Today @ 5 - Voorhies 396

Hi all,

Our location for today's 5 pm organizing committee meeting is Voorhies Hall, room 396. Can't wait to see you all there! If you're having trouble finding it, you can shoot me a text at (860) 575 7296.

Best,
Gerard 


Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 21, 2018, at 5:29 PM, Gerard Ramm <gerardramm90@gmail.com> wrote:
Hi All,

Hope everyone's plans for the start of the quarter are falling easily into place by now. I  wanted to send out the official announcement for our next Organizing Committee Meeting on Wednesday, September 26th from 5-7:30 pm (Location TBD). We'll be meeting to discuss our progress on start of the quarter organizing, a bit about our unit's upcoming elections, scheduling a Know Your Rights Training, and our plans for organizing within our grad groups and departments this quarter. Emily and I will be co-facilitating so it should be a great time and I'll look forward to seeing you all there!

Also: in preparation for our tabling at the New TA Orientations on Monday and Tuesday, as well as our department orientations all next week, we'll be hosting a Get Lunch and Get Trained event this Sunday the 23rd at 2 pm in Voorhies Hall. Lunch will most likely be from chickpeas and the training will cover how to talk about unions and our union specifically with your coworkers. Reply-1 to this email to let me know if you can make it! 

Look out for an email with more details on meeting locations and I'll see you all next Wednesday!

Best,
Gerard


Are you now claiming that there was no formal OC meeting as there was all last year, and that this meeting that people were invited to last wednesday didn't exist? That in substitution there were just a bunch of ad hoc meetings?  
Are you calling Savannah, Ashlyn, and Michael liars? Is the above email a forgery?

Your use of the term committee when you say there are two committees doing work on campus, is WRONG. There are two caucuses - political parties basically. There is an official OC that was organized by the formal union structure and its paid staff, that is the OFFICIAL committee. Political caucuses are not committees, and their existence is not an excuse to DELIBERATELY cut off all communication to every single dissenter at Davis. (An example: during the BDS vote there was a BDS caucus and a Zionist caucus. Any official union resources that went to meetings were open and announced to all. We scheduled a debate on the issue - zionists didn't show but it was scheduled. Don't conflate caucuses and committees!)

It is PAST PRACTICE to communicate all happenings, meetings, and discussions through this Davis officers and activists listserve.  You all have been violating that. You started off your email by talking about all that has been done this year, but none of those events and none of the discussion about those events went through this campus listserve.

You are a union officer, and Gerrard is paid staff. Those meetings are official meetings. If rank and file members get together to discuss problems with union leadership that isn't a second committee. You are an English PhD student, you aren't too naive to not know the difference, so clearly you are trying to deflect here by obfuscating the differences between official union events like OCs and the self organization of rank and file dissenters in a political caucus.

By deflecting this way what you are trying to do is whitewash your efforts to marginalize all active dissenters while setting up parallel institutions - whether that is an actual listseve with a google email or just a list of people that are CC:ed or BCC:ed that you invite to all official events, the end result is the same.

Then you pivot from distortions to fear-mongering. Some folks, not all, have been discussing decertifying in the context of SWITCHING unions. This is NOT NEW. AWDU used to talk about dropping the UAW int he middle of Joint Council meetings in front of Mike Miller all the time. The UAW is fucking hierarchical, totalitarian, and corrupt as fuck. The entire history of the reform movement here has proven that. Their overturning of our democratic BDS vote proves that. Talking about certification has always taken place int he context of switching unions. There was never an agreement on which strategy would be better, switching or just working with other reformers in the UAW. We connected with the autoworkers caravan and we spread AWDU to every other UAW grad student local in the country. The discussion has always been "What is the best way to go about building a labor movement?" and whether that meant using the institution we have an reforming it, or getting a new institution has always been a discussion at the UC, so before you try to jump in and purposefully mischaracterize the discussions that you say you haven't even been to maybe try not putting words in other people's mouths.So to cite right wingers is totally disingenuous and again merely a rhetorical move to throw mud at dissenters, not an honest discussion.

Duane